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Saturday, September 28, 2019

[明報]【逃犯條例.添馬集會】萬計市民迫爆添馬公園 政府:按基本法人大決定推動政制發展

【23:43】警方稱,民陣集會最高峰有8440人。

【21:13】政府晚上9時發稿回應民陣集會,稱一人一票普選特首及立法會全部議員,是《基本法》最終目標,需社會在法理的基礎上、平和互信的氛圍下透過對話達成共識才可落實。特區政府會審時度勢,按照《基本法》及全國人大常委會的相關解釋和決定推動政制發展。

【21:07】添馬公園的集會參加者大致散去。龍和道示威者向中環方向散去。

新加入「守護孩子」的吳女士表示,自己認為「yellow object」事件「好離譜,不應這樣對待一個人」,從而激發加入成為「守護孩子」的成員,今日首次出動。她說在現場比起看直播更擔心小朋友。

吳女士育有一子一女,均已30多歲,「毋須擔心」,其女兒更在外國暫不打算回港。吳今日只告訴子女會參與集會,怕他們擔心故沒有提及加入「守護孩子」行動。成為「yellow object」一員,吳女士暫認為不會被警察打,今日也暫未需要特別保護示威者,但希望能盡多一點力,家長也能為運動付出多點。

7月中成為「守護孩子」成員的余小姐表示,認識上周懷疑被防暴警察腳踢的男成員。她對事件感到非常憤怒,又相信該男成員沒有襲警。對於成員疑被警員踢,她說無被嚇怕或令她退縮,「愈怕就愈需要我們」。

余小姐又說,今晚集會其實大致和平,她不明白為何警方要在集會期間使用武力,令集會中止,認為這樣的行動令集會參加者難以及時散去。

【20:24】民陣宣布集會結束,呼籲長者、孕婦及行動不便者等先沿海濱向中環方向離去。

【20:15】市民在添馬公園以雷射筆射向國旗,之後有在場人士與操普通話者打鬥。

【20:05】9.28集會參加者阿欣5年前佔領運動時仍是大學生,如今已經投身職場。她說兩次運動中的心態及行動都不一樣,回想佔領運動時仍是學生,「想罷課就罷課」;但工作後有經濟負擔,會擔心公司立場與自己不同,在社交媒體上也不再大肆表露自己的意見,只會分享相關新聞。惟她表示,成長後對參與運動的想法更深,5年前有大台指示就跟從、做就是為了正義,但現在會多想在甚麼位置可做多點。

阿仁(化名)在佔領運動時多在旺角佔領區,認為佔領運動是其政治啟蒙。他說,現在參與反修例運動比起當年更害怕,因警方現時行動比過去更暴力,出動橡膠子彈,「以前站在警察面前,不用擔心他隨意打人」,加上長大後家庭負擔增加,站得比佔領運動時更後。

王先生夫婦今晚帶同兩名4、5歲子女參與集會。王太說,一家經常參與有警方不反對通知書的示威活動,近日留意到警方濫用武力,「其實有不反對通知書警察都會動武,但無不反對通知書就更癲」。她表示,8月5日一家都有響應三罷及來立法會「煲底」集會,及後見到防暴警察在夏慤道放催淚彈,當時一家人並無裝備,夫婦需抱起子女逃走。對於今晚風險,王先生認為都會是見機行事,批評警方濫暴,「根本而家係佢哋想點就點」。

【20:09】民陣召集人岑子杰呼籲集會參加者向灣仔方向及海傍企,「以免令香港警方驚慌。

【19:58】「和理非」凌先生帶同11歲兒子到集會。他認為2014年佔領和反修訂《逃犯條例》運動對下一代意義深遠,故帶兒子來見識,「很希望爭取到真普選」。對於場外有堵路,他說不擔心出現衝突或危險情況,「香港人好叻,有路就會走」。

【19:54】大會表示,因應警方要求,呼籲有意參加集會的市民前往海傍。

【19:53】佔領運動後選擇進行地區工作、當選區議員的鄺葆賢表示,5年來在社區內的工作有一定作用,例如街坊會多詢問及傾談有關社會政治事件,而在一些地區服務,如電腦班等,亦可教街坊接收不同資訊。她亦積極考慮參選11月的區議會選舉,繼續在地區內服務。但她也笑言地區工作與預想有不一樣,如過去不明白向長者發「長輩圖」的重要性,但現在也開始使用「長輩圖」發放資訊。她也留意到反修訂《逃犯條例》運動令更多人欲參選區議會,建議參選人不要只依賴反修例議題,而是要具體進行地區工作。

從事零售業的Peony,5年前看到警察施放催淚彈後就衝出金鐘。她表示,中間幾年曾放下佔領運動一事,2014年清場有人掛上「We will be back」橫額時都沒有想過真的會回來,但今日(28日)在報道看到有人在夏慤道掛上直幡寫上「We are back」時,別有一番感觸。她認為港人一度在佔領運動後消氣,但今次再走出來,大家都已預計是長期抗爭,相信運動仍會繼續,未會如佔領運動期間消沉。

【19:44】正在大台前方參與集會的高太表示,不擔心夏慤道堵路及海富天橋衝突會影響集會後或未能順利散去。她說,自己是「和理非」,但經歷多場示威後認為已與勇武示威者「有默契」,認為「和理非」的人聚集在集會場地,「可作為前線back up,警察不會衝過來」。

【19:36】夏愨道全線受阻。民陣召集人岑子杰表示,警方要求大會呼籲市民返回行人路,讓他們可繼續合法集會至晚上9時。岑稱會盡快向警方爭取更多集會位置。

一部政府飛行服務隊直升機停留在政府總部上空,大批市民用激光照射直升機底部。

【19:34】「佔中三子」之一朱耀明牧師上台發言,他說從青年人生上看到勇敢奮鬥,認為他們的堅持是毫不畏縮,他勉勵大家一起堅持向目標進發,「我們一定會看到勝利在望」。發言後,朱牧帶領眾人站立默哀,紀念由2014年佔領運動至今的受傷、犧牲者。

示威者在龍和道設路障。
【19:30】除夏慤道外,添美道車路亦站滿大批示威者

【19:23】大批市民走出夏慤道,並開始用雪糕筒等堵路。

【19:20】民陣集會開始,大會首先播放短片,回顧2014年佔領運動,以及近月的反修訂《逃犯條例》運動。

【19:08】大會表示,海富中心外仍有大批市民,呼籲他們經添美道進入添馬公園,或可到大台後方的海傍參與集會;又稱市民若想離開,可向中環或灣仔方向離去。

添馬公園內有人不適需急救員協助。
【18:49】添馬公園集會市民亮起手機燈光,亦有人用激光筆照向高處。

港鐵金鐘站A出口人太多,開始有人行出馬路。

【18:37】添馬公園已被市民「迫爆」,仍不停有市民經金鐘站A出口前往添馬公園,站內不時有人高叫「香港人加油」、「五大訴求缺一不可」等口號。

【18:31】大批市民從港鐵金鐘站經海富橋前往添馬公園,大部分人身穿黑衣。金鐘站A出口十分擠迫。

【18:07】25人管弦樂隊和15人合唱團在添馬公園唱中英版《願榮光歸香港》及《Do you hear the people sing》,將一直唱至民陣集會開始。每唱完一首歌,現場高叫「光復香港 時代革命」。

【17:34】民陣今晚在添馬公園發起「9.28 反抗威權 迎接黎明」集會,傍晚近5時半,已有逾百人坐在添馬公園草地等候集會。有人在添馬公園各處掛起或貼上反修訂《逃犯條例》的時序、照片和文宣,亦有人擺放各種抗爭者手辦公仔。

港鐵已關閉金鐘、灣仔、銅鑼灣等站的部分出口,並表示個別車站會因應實際情況採取人流管理措施,有可能隨時關閉車站。



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[明報]【逃犯條例.添馬集會】警港九截停巴士電車搜查逐一拍攝樣貌 乘客:白色恐怖

【23:30】政府強烈譴責激進示威者的暴力及破壞行為,指激進示威者今日(28日)在政府總部附近堵路、破壞公物及縱火,並以磚塊及汽油彈攻擊政府總部及在場警務人員,不但導致交通阻塞及建築物破損,更威脅在場警務人員安全,嚴重破壞社會安寧。

立法會議員區諾軒表示,今晚民陣舉行合法集會,集會解散後雖然出現衝突,但很快便四散;警方卻在主要幹道,包括紅隧、東隧外設置路障和搜查市民,登上多輛巴士和電車搜查,區諾軒批評完全沒有必要,僅僅是為了發泄,對於維持治安毫無幫助。

【23:10】在116新巴坐上層的乘客廖小姐表示,剛才有乘客與車上兩名中年男子,因為政見不同爭執。她說,防暴警察上巴士後,查閱部分乘客身分證,搜了一個年輕人的袋,她並沒有見到有人被警方帶走。

根據醫管局資料,截至晚上10時30分,港島公眾活動有兩名男子送往瑪麗醫院,分別21和23歲,情況穩定。

【23:00】銅鑼灣一批防暴警登上警車離去。

【22:58】防暴警一度登上116線新巴,司機稱沒有乘客被警方帶走。

【22:50】警員在銅鑼灣不斷擴大封鎖線,並登上巴士搜查。街上市民與防暴警察在軒尼詩道馬路兩邊,市民大聲指罵。警員在軒尼詩道一邊築起防線,交通受阻。有防暴警察走到馬路中心拍攝市民樣貌。

104線巴士上的乘客邵先生表示,集會完結後他向中環離開,但現場有好多人,唯有不斷向上環方向行至上一站,登車前已收到消息警員在隧道口搜查104巴士。邵先生與朋友終於在上環登上104巴士離開,但在鷹君中心外遇到查車,相信警員目標為年輕人。他態度合作遵從指示,並無被查,其實背包有柄紙巾包裹的餐刀,切生果後沒放好,他說,幸好沒有被捕。

【22:40】銅鑼灣崇光百貨外,一輛116新巴上有兩名男子被包圍,市民懷疑他們是休班警員,不斷質問兩人身分,兩人未有回應。數十名防暴警察數分鐘內到場增援,包圍巴士並呼喝及驅趕市民,且不斷擴大封鎖線,並登上巴士截查乘客。

【22:30】鷹君中心外數名被截查市民遭警員拘捕。

銅鑼灣聖保祿中學外有兩名女子指罵警察。警員警告兩人若再吵,會以公眾地方行為不檢罪拘捕她們,稱「我忍咗你好耐,由街頭鬧到街尾,你唔可以咁樣鬧,你知唔知咩叫禮貌」。警員其後分別登上兩部警車離去。

【22:21】張小姐參與集會後在中環登上一輛新巴88R。她說,當時集會完結,有大量集會人士上車,不少人身穿黑衣戴口罩,車上幾乎坐滿人。當巴士駛至灣仔菲林明道鷹君中心對出,準備駛往紅隧時,被數輛警車設置的路障截停,數名防暴警察上車,並以攝錄機逐一拍攝乘客樣貌並搜袋。防暴警其後把十多名乘客帶下車,並在路邊詳細搜查。張小姐指出,被帶下車的主要是穿黑衣及戴口罩的年輕人。張小姐在巴士上舉機拍攝車外搜查情況,被防暴警以電筒照射。她說,不知道警方拍攝的意圖,形容是「白色恐怖」:「邊個去過集會都要影,即使係參與合法集會都要影低,唔知會唔會擺喺警察資料庫。」她指出車上有人要求巴士車長等候在車外正被搜身的乘客,惟巴士其後緩緩駛走,巴士由被截停至駛走約20分鐘。

【22:20】銅鑼灣崇光百貨外市民與防暴警察對峙,市民不斷指罵警察,警察開始沿軒尼斯道西行方向撤退,市民歡呼。

【22:12】警方在菲林明道和港灣道截查最少兩輛104往白田隧巴,戴口罩的青年全部被搜查隨身物品。

銅鑼灣有兩名黑衣少女被警員截查,與警員口角。大批市民圍觀,並指罵警員,指大批警員阻礙銅鑼灣道路,並一起唱《肥媽有話兒》,又大叫「收隊」。兩少女其後獲放行。警員在東角道設防線,逾百市民指罵警員。

【22:00】鷹君中心與瑞吉酒店外繼續有巴士乘客被警員帶落車後,站在牆邊等待警察搜袋,絕大部分是年輕人。有記者問警員是否全部乘客都會被查,警員沒有回應。市民被搜查後可返回車上。紅隧九龍出口亦有警員搜查巴士。西營盤東邊街也都有警員截停電車。

防暴警員在銅鑼灣東角道截查市民。
【21:51】夏慤道全部行車線重開。
【21:43】統一中心外防暴警登上警車離去。

【21:38】警員一度在灣仔鷹君中心外,登上一部巴士搜查乘客。巴士外的菲林明道亦有人被警員截查。

【21:35】駐守添馬公園的大批防暴警開始撤退。

【21:27】夏慤道開始通車。
【21:24】兩部水炮車駛向添美道,警員亦開始退去。

一批示威者沿皇后大道中離開。
【21:20】警方驅散夏慤道上的記者,並以強光燈照射,立法會議員許智峯與警方傳媒聯絡隊的成員交涉,要求保障採訪自由。

【21:13】夏慤道只剩記者,已見不到示威者。一批防暴從灣仔向金鐘推進,一批則由中環推進。一批防暴警察在愛丁堡廣場戒備。同一時間,有市民在大會堂外的雪糕車排隊買雪糕。

【21:10】防暴警推進至夏慤花園旁。兩部水炮車開到金鐘。部分示威者退到太古廣場對出金鐘道位置。

【21:06】夏慤道警員舉藍旗警告示威者。大會堂外警員與水炮車同時向金鐘方向推進。部分示威者沿皇后大道東撤走。

【21:05】示威者高速退向金鐘港鐵站,有示威者一邊走一邊堆砌路障。防暴警員在海富天橋上驅逐天橋上的記者。另有大批防暴警員由警總水馬後方走出。

龍和道示威者向中環方向散去,而本來在添馬公園的集會參加者大致散去。

【21:00】大批示威者仍在海富天橋下方聚集,部分人退向金鐘港鐵站。亦有示威者在夏慤道搬運大量路磚,又有人在馬路上焚燒紙皮箱。

【20:56】警方表示,激進暴力示威者在政府總部外投擲汽油彈,危害在場人士和警務人員安全。警方使用相應武力驅散,警告示威者立即停止違法行為及離去。警方提醒附近一帶市民留意情況,盡量留在室內安全地方。

大會堂外有一批防暴警集結。
【20:51】政總外警員射催淚彈。
【20:47】現場年輕人不斷呼籲其他人離開,有人亦在夏慤道一邊走動一邊說「今日唔打啦,留力十月一」。民陣在添美道、夏慤道嗌咪,呼籲現場人士離開,但仍有不少人不願離開。政總高處有3名警員持長槍指向地面,現場傳出槍聲。

【20:42】水炮車駛到水馬後方,噴射藍色水柱及胡椒水,示威者向灣仔方向撤退。警員亦在水馬後噴射大量胡椒水。特首辦外的警員戴上防毒面具。有示威者再擲出汽油彈。

【20:37】有示威者政總西翼大型水馬內擲汽油彈,警方持續噴灑大量胡椒水劑。有前線示威者在添美道一帶,呼籲沒有裝備的人離開。水馬內警員嘗試用水喉救熄汽油彈引起的小火。

警方表示,有大量暴力示威者於夏慤道堵路,並向警務人員投擲磚頭,嚴重威脅市民和警務人員的人身安全,警方將於短時間內使用相應武力驅散,呼籲在場人士停止違法行為,並立即離開。

【20:34】政府總部外的警員多次從水馬內,以消防喉向水馬外噴水。

【20:25】夏慤道天橋有示威者企圖焚燒共產黨旗。

【20:20】龍和道示威者與特首辦水馬內的防暴警察對峙,不斷指罵警察,警方多次噴射胡椒噴劑。

【20:10】民陣副召集人剛才到夏慤道天橋對峙位置,表示警方要求民陣短時間內處理現時違法行為,否則會出動防暴警察驅散。他提醒「無gear」或和理非的市民撤離,「10月1日再見」。

【20:05】水炮車由政總後駛出。
【20:00】警員一度衝到政總外夏慤道的閘前,短暫停留後後退。警員在水馬後方噴射大量胡椒水劑。示威者組成傘陣緩緩後退。

【19:56】政總外夏慤道警員在水馬內再次舉起紅旗。

警方表示,晚上約7時30分,有示威者堵塞夏慤道全部行車線,現場交通嚴重擠塞。有暴力示威者於政府總部附近破壞公物以及用「鐳射光線」照射直升機,嚴重威脅市民和在場人士的人身安全。警方警告示威者立即停止違法行為。警方提醒市民避免前往該區及留意最新交通情況。

【19:54】有示威者不斷向水馬內的警員投擲磚塊雜物。

【19:51】夏慤道政總警員從水馬內向高處施放胡椒水劑。示威者不斷以激光筆照向警員,警員以強力電筒還擊。

【19:46】政總對開夏慤道警員舉紅旗。
【19:44】夏慤道政總警員向水馬外施胡椒噴劑。

【19:36】在金鐘上空盤旋的直升機被大批人以激光筆照射。

【19:26】夏慤道已被示威者完全封鎖。添美道馬路亦站滿大批示威者。龍和道亦已設置了路障。

警方表示,有示威者於晚上6時30分衝擊政府總部出入口的警方防線,亦有示威者用「鐳射光線」照射現場警員。警方多次警告示威者停止違法行為無效,已因應現場情況使用最低武力。警方警告示威者盡快停止違法行為。

【19:23】有大批市民走出夏慤道,開始用雪糕筒等堵路。

【19:20】防暴警已退去,仍有數十名示威者包圍海富天橋往政總路口的水馬及鐵閘。

【19:05】有示威者趁警員後退,隨即爬上水馬叫罵挑釁,向警員高叫「黑社會」、「出嚟啦喂」,亦有人持續拍打及用傘敲擊鐵閘。

【19:00】防暴警察再由政總走到海富橋,向鐵閘外的記者施放胡椒噴霧,隨即再搬出兩個巨型水馬擋在鐵閘後,然後退回政府總部。但警員退後時,其中一名警員再突然衝前向水馬外噴椒。

【18:50】有示威者不斷踢鐵閘,警方廣播警告示威者不要再用激光筆照射,惹來示威者指罵,警方再舉紅旗。警員向高處施放胡椒噴劑,示威者退到較遠位置,多名記者被噴中。

【18:47】有示威者繼續踢鐵閘,警員在鐵閘後方再旗紅旗及再施放胡椒噴劑,示威者稍為後退。

【18:43】海富天橋通往政總位置被水馬及鐵閘封鎖,有示威者踢鐵閘,駐守後方的防暴警隨即舉紅旗警告,多名警員隨即施放胡椒噴劑。

【18:27】政總外有人爬上水馬;警察與聚集在附近的人對罵。

【18:06】立法會秘書處發出信息表示,根據警方指示,立法會綜合大樓現時並不安全。經立法會行政管理委員會主席同意,秘書處已發出紅色警示。基於安全考慮,在紅色警示生效期間,除指定的秘書處職員及執勤的警員,其他人士均不可進入大樓,所有在大樓內的人必須立即撤離。

一批防暴警察在港鐵金鐘站內戒備,附近有一批穿上反光衣的「守護孩子」成員。

【17:50】有人用雪糕筒及橙色膠帶封閉夏慤道轉入添美道的一條行車線。數名警員其後到場稍稍移動雪糕筒,然後登上警車離去。

【17:03】港鐵灣仔站B出口已落閘,有人在閘外貼上文宣單張。修頓球場外亦有大批市民在牆上貼文宣。

【16:26】港鐵表示,因應港島區有公眾活動進行,個別車站會因應實際情況採取人流管理措施,並可能隨時關閉車站或其部分出入口。

軒尼詩道銅鑼灣廣場一期的銅鑼灣站B出口已拉閘。

金鐘上空有直升機盤旋。
【15:30】下午約2時,金鐘太古廣場地面出入口全部關閉,門外亦貼出告示,指示市民使用其他出入口,至於連接天橋及港鐵站的出入口則仍然開放。另外,配備防暴裝備的警員下午分別進入港鐵灣仔站及金鐘站。

【14:23】民陣今晚在添馬公園發起「9.28 反抗威權 迎接黎明」集會,中午時分,政總及中聯辦外均停泊了水炮車及「銳武」裝甲車。

記者中午分別到政總及中聯辦外觀察,中聯辦外停泊了兩輛水炮車及兩輛「銳武」裝甲車;政總外則停泊了一輛水炮車及一輛「銳武」裝甲車,亦有警員在場戒備。

據悉,警方今晚部署大約3000警力防範,因集會時間在晚上,按過去經驗晚間較常出現衝擊,而集會地點附近有「高風險建築物」,包括政總、警總等。


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[明報]【社區對話】參加者遭起底 政府譴責 私隱署要求網站營運商提供涉事者資料

政府周四(26日)完成首場「社區對話」,有出席者遭網民「起底」公開個人資料,政府今晚(28日)發稿譴責。香港個人資料私隱專員公署發新聞稿稱,已第一時間跟進,並直接要求有關網站移除及停止上載涉及「起底」甚至違法的內容 ,以及要求有關網站營運商提供涉事網民的資料。

公署表示,已將有關案件交予警方作刑事調查。署方提醒,涉事網民就可能觸犯《私隱條例》第64條,一經定罪,最高可被罰款港幣100萬元及監禁5年;受影響者可就其所受的心理損害,向涉事者提出民事索償。

截至9月27日,公署已將952宗同類個案交予警方作刑事調查及考慮提出檢控。


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[明報]【逃犯條例】612人道支援基金屢受批 陳日君︰絕對認真

反修訂《逃犯條例》風波不息,受傷及被捕者數目不斷增加。「612人道支援基金」近期屢受批評。基金公布,截至9月20日,共跟進820宗個案,批款給658名有需要人士,現正支援9宗民事案件。基金信託人之一陳日君樞機表示,基金主要作人道支援,不會主動支援或煽動他人做抗爭運動,明白很多人對基金有不同意見或擔憂,保證基金絕對認真。

吳靄儀︰法援所需金額很大 非一般緊急經濟支援可比

基金信託人之一吳靄儀指出,民事索償一旦敗訴必須支付自己及對方訟費,以每人450萬元計算,9宗個案已需4000多萬元。對於有人指控基金支援抗爭者數目較少,她說,法律支援所需金額很大,非一般緊急經濟支援可比。陳日君樞機補充「有啲錢睇落很大,但絕對需要」。

信託人許寶強︰基金資助音響 款項與行政費相若

早前有人批評基金資助音響,另一信託人許寶強表示,過往政黨在民陣舉辦的遊行作籌款,當中的百分之十會撥給民陣作統籌費,惟基金沒此開支項目,故最初否決基金撥款供民陣遊行統籌之用;及後,他認為基金也需為部分統籌負責,終決定資助音響開支。許寶強又以網上眾籌作比喻,網上眾籌也需行政費,形容此款項與行政費相若。同為信託人的何韻詩補充,該支出除音響外,也包含裝置、工人開支等費用,從維園到遊行終點均有相關設施,強調該支出與坊間同類設置價錢相若。

吳靄儀︰信託人也是邊學邊做 
吳靄儀多次強調,所有基金信託人也是邊學邊做,亦盡力在增加基金透明度及保障求助者私隱之間找平衡點。她表示,基金的facebook專頁現已增聘兼職,會多對外發放信息,盼大眾能更了解基金運作。



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[明報]【Emily Online・短片】改《願榮光》歌詞拍MV 何君堯領唱:攜手抗暴徒

早前有網民創作《願榮光歸香港》,被喻為「香港之歌」,今日(28日)YouTube就有新影片《願平安歸香港》推出,疑似建制派陣營仿效網民自製嘅《願榮光》交響樂版MV 。片中一群身穿白衫嘅管弦樂樂手,演奏着《願榮光》原曲,但就合唱「攜手抗暴徒」、「奮勇去對抗荒謬」等新歌詞,當中更加有建制派立法會議員何君堯領唱,「齊來同對抗,今日混亂香港」。

新MV《願平安歸香港》嘅第一句歌詞係「何以這褔地被破壞,何以要扮成極偉大」,與《榮光》嘅「何以這土地淚再流,何以令眾人亦憤恨」比較,兩首歌都係用「何以」做開頭。喺片段大約27秒出場嘅何君堯,就企咗喺成班樂手中間,同眾人一齊合唱「攜手抗暴徒,謾罵聲,聽得夠,盼和平不需詛咒」。

片中輯錄咗不少近月反修訂《逃犯條例》示威嘅場面,包括有示威者闖入立法會用噴漆塗黑區徽、打爛港鐵站控制室玻璃窗等,另有多張警員喺地上休息嘅照片,片尾就用黑色大字「支持香港警察 嚴正執法」作結。

「《願平安歸香港》管弦樂團及合唱團版 MV」由自稱「750-201萬香港人」、一群愛香港文化藝術嘅工作者製作,佢哋喺簡介話音符無分界限,相信填上唔同嘅歌詞,都可以凝聚同傳頌「750-201萬香港人」嘅諗法。






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[明報]【逃犯條例】經民聯促美停推動《香港人權與民主法案》 工聯會美領館抗議干預港事務

經民聯今午(28日)發新聞稿,促請美國停止推動《香港人權與民主法案》,認為美國借法案干預香港事務,以香港作棋子,牽制打壓中國;又指出香港是美國賺取最大貿易順差的地區,通過法案會對港美貿易、中美關係及經貿談判帶來負面影響。

另外,工聯會榮譽會長林淑儀今午帶領請願人士,到美國領事館請願,反對通過法案,批評美國粗暴干預香港內部事務。參與者在場踐踏代表《香港人權與民主法案》的紙張,並將之撕掉。


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[明報]【逃犯條例】金澤培函港鐵員工 稱前主席總裁聯署感謝「保證運作通暢」

反修訂《逃犯條例》風波持續,港鐵近期多次稱車站附近有大型公眾活動,或車站設施受破壞而封站。港鐵行政總裁金澤培向員工發電郵,稱前主席錢果豐和馬時亨,以及前行政總裁周松崗和梁國權,聯名致函全體港鐵員工,表揚他們「始終以敬業樂業的態度,保證每天的運作通暢,並兼顧好乘客及前線同事的安全」,且在車站被破壞和縱火後快速復修。

金澤培又表示,香港社會動盪令港鐵團隊疲於奔命,但有不少乘客及顧客送上表揚信和感謝卡,為港鐵員工打氣、「吶喊加油」和表達「衷心的感謝與支持」。他稱團隊為港鐵與香港付出的努力「值得肯定」;港鐵使命是「使香港向前邁進」,呼籲員工「一起抖擻精神,堅定前行」。



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[明報]【逃犯條例】台灣中山大學連儂牆被毁警調查 學生會:學香港「撕一貼百」精神

因反修訂《逃犯條例》運動出現的「連儂牆」由香港蔓延到台灣,國立中山大學校內「連儂牆」昨日(27日)被一對中國大陸夫婦破壞,有學生口頭制止不果。高雄市警方稱,接獲學生會報案,並隨即展開調查。學生會表示:「他們撕了我們一面牆,我們就貼滿一個隧道」。

網上流傳的片段顯示,於中山大學理工長廊,一對攜同幼童的夫婦,撕掉公布欄上聲援香港「反送中」的留言字條,有學生勸阻時反被問「他可以貼為什麼我不能撕」、「(牆上)沒寫不能撕啊」。

警方表示,看過有關片段後已派人到校了解,並會到校翻閱閉路電視,調查涉案人的去向。中山大學表示,校內「連儂牆」是由學生會管理,尊重學生會報警的決定。

中山大學學生會昨晚在facebook回應稱,對中國大陸遊客撕毁校內「連儂牆」,幾乎令全校學生都相當憤怒,認為有關行徑是對自由民主的踐踏。學生會呼籲學生下周一(30日),以言語、繪畫等方式,學習香港「撕一貼百」的精神,將西子灣隧道變成「連儂隧道」,希望讓所有經過隧道的民眾用不同的方式看香港發生的一切。


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[明報]【逃犯條例】美學者稱被拒入境香港 眾志:政府報復美國會審議《香港人權與民主法案》

美國學者加勒特(Dan Garrett)於Twitter發文稱,周四(26日)被拒入境香港,當局未透露具體原因。他上星期二(17日)與香港眾志黃之鋒、藝人何韻詩等人在美國「國會及行政當局中國委員會」(CECC)聽證會上作證,支持港人反對修訂《逃犯條例》。

加勒特接受《香港自由新聞》訪問時稱,原計劃來港探朋友及與其他學者交流等,豈料被拒入境,他問香港入境處職員有何違反入境條件的例子,對方稱例如未能提供回程機票及酒店預訂證明等,但加勒特向入境處職員指出,這不適用於他的情况,因他已提供相關證明,但入境處職員稱這是內部決定,不必向他提供原因或解釋。加勒特認為,港府是出於「政治動機」拒絕他入境。

加勒特是《中國香港的反霸權:形象化城市抗議》的作者,過去曾多次出入境香港,均未受阻撓。香港眾志認為,此舉明顯與他早前在聽證會的發言有關,「政府在十一前夕,刻意禁止異議聲音入境,明顯是意圖對美國國會審議《香港人權與民主法案》進行報復」。

何韻詩回應指出,香港政府拒絕聽證學者入境,「證明佢(政府)好驚,明顯已經唔知應該點樣處理」,又認為此時政府已無任何辦法,打壓方式已經失控。她認為,要繼續維持政府的正常運作,應以政制方式回應。


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[明報]【逃犯條例】陳茂波:港經濟颱風超過3號波 全民派錢效益未必全在港

財政司長陳茂波今早(28日)在商台節目表示,本港「經濟颱風愈吹愈近」,個別行業感受到的壓力遠遠超過3號風球。他又指出,若實施全民派錢,經濟效益未必會全都在香港,因此資源應該要針對性地運用。

陳茂波指出,過去數月社會動盪,今年8月訪港旅客人次下跌近四成,9月初下跌近三成,飲食、酒店等業界面對巨大壓力,失業率上升。他預計10‧1黃金周訪港人次下跌,而最近亦有大量員工需要放無薪假期。

被問到政府會否全民派錢,陳茂波稱,資源應該要針對性地運用,全民派錢的經濟效益未必會全都在香港,因為市民會向外消費,如旅遊等,令金錢向外流,因此會盡量將錢用於基層和中產。他認為若要改善現況,最重要是平息暴力衝擊,並以對話代替對立,令社會回復平靜。他說,日前在社區對話中,政府以謙虛的態度與市民交流,反思不足。

食物及衛生局長陳肇始今早亦在商台節目上表示,首場社區對話中最觸動她的,是留意到「最大公因數是大家都愛香港,希望回復以前的香港,恢復秩序」。她指出,參加者發言坦率,意見對政府前行有建設性,但她認為只舉辦一場並不足夠,因政府聽得愈多愈明白因由,並作出行動解決問題,希望政府與大家一起出發。


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[明報]【逃犯條例】涂謹申:政府難抵擋新屋嶺指控 葉國謙:值得考慮開放予外界了解實況

反修訂《逃犯條例》風暴持續,有市民質疑新屋嶺拘留中心透明度不足,懷疑有被捕者遭虐待。民主黨立法會議員涂謹申今早(28日)出席港台節目表示,新屋嶺有慘無人道的酷刑室名號,監察措施不足之餘,近期也有律師遭警方延遲法律探訪,認為政府難以抵擋有關指控;出席同一節目的行政會議成員葉國謙表示,值得考慮開放新屋嶺予外界了解實況。

涂謹申建議,以後反修例衝突後,有兩名以上示威者被捕,便安排當值的太平紳士一小時內到警署,示威者如懷疑被打,便可向太平紳士投訴,認為有關措施積極,不允許警察濫權,政府可於「非常時期」令市民安心。

葉國謙則表示,政府已決定不再使用新屋嶺作為扣留中心,值得考慮開放該處予外界了解實況。他強調,法律上絕不容許警員濫用私刑,又提到在「七警案」中,時任警司朱經緯於2014年佔領運動期間,在旺角以警棍襲擊途人,最終受到法律制裁,因此警方執勤時,絕對應該嚴格遵守法律的規限。

對於政府前晚(26日)舉行「社區對話」,葉國謙表示,有對話比無對話好,但不能夠期望只憑一、兩次對話能解決目前深層次的騷亂。他說,五大訴求根本是做不到的事情,例如成立獨立調查委員會打擊警隊士氣,又稱現時已有行之有效的監警會機制。

涂謹申指出,政府在對話會上,僅提出停用新屋嶺作扣留中心,又未有回應當晚很多人要求成立獨立調查委員會的建議。他說,政府對話旨在聽取「和理非」意見,但民陣於10月1日舉辦的遊行及集會卻被拒絕,批評政府根本不想聽數十萬名市民的意見。


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[TheTimes] Trump mulls US ban on China listings


New York-listed Chinese companies came under scrutiny last night after it emerged that the Trump administration was considering plans to strip their shares from American stock markets.

Officials in Washington are understood to have discussed whether to delist stocks as they consider ways to curb their country's financial investments in Chinese businesses. The prospect of such a move, which would escalate the trade war between the world's largest economies, sent shares in Alibaba, Baidu and JD.com sharply lower.

President Trump has approved wider talks over how to limit American investors' portfolio flows into China, according to Bloomberg, although he has yet to make a decision. His administration is said also to be looking at reducing the reach of US government pension funds in the Chinese market, but has yet to finalise a timeframe or mechanisms to corroborate such ideas.

More than 150 Chinese companies were on the Nasdaq and New York Stock Exchanges in February, according to US government data.

The technology-heavy Nasdaq fell by 1.2 per cent after the reports while the S&P 500 shed 0.5 per cent. The Dow Jones industrial average slipped 0.3 per cent. The Chinese yuan dropped 0.4 per cent against the dollar in offshore markets, edging towards its weakest levels in about three weeks.

The move against certain New York-listed shares comes at a fragile time in relations between the White House and Beijing, with officials due to resume negotiations in the US capital next month.

The US government is searching for additional leverage, having imposed tariffs on Chinese goods worth $360 billion. China has hit back with retaliatory levies on American exports.

Mr Trump's officials are poised to levy more duties on Chinese products in December, meaning that almost all the country's exports to the United States will face tariffs. Beijing has vowed to respond with future levies.

The US president attacked China at the United Nations this week, telling fellow world leaders that America remained "absolutely committed to restoring balance to our relationship".

Later, however, he stoked expectations of a settlement by publicly suggesting that a breakthrough "could happen sooner than you think". Chinese government officials "want to make a deal very badly", he claimed.



[CNN] As China marks 70 years of the People's Republic, cracks are showing in Xi Jinping's facade

Hong Kong (CNN)October 1 was set to be a second coronation for Chinese President Xi Jinping. Instead, buffeted by multiple crises, National Day celebrations may serve to highlight just who is to blame for the country's current difficulties.

As the People's Republic marks its 70th anniversary, Xi's hold on the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the wider political structure is tighter than ever. But with absolute control comes absolute responsibility; Xi may be the country's most powerful leader since Mao Zedong, but like the Great Helmsman he is prone to overstepping, and he's vulnerable in ways Mao never was.
As the challenges facing China continue to grow, so have the cracks in Xi's facade. Anti-government unrest in Hong Kong, the ongoing US-China trade war, and even rising pork prices are all major tests for Xi, and not ones on which he is achieving a passing grade.

Economic exhaustion
Deng Xiaoping, who took power after Mao's death and is widely credited with kickstarting China's economic miracle, once described the country's approach to foreign policy as "observe calmly, secure our position, cope with affairs calmly, hide our capacities and bide our time, be good at maintaining a low profile, and never claim leadership."
In recent years, Xi has begun pushing Deng aside, positioning himself as the country's most impactful leader since Mao and downplaying the old reformist's legacy. But his approach on foreign policy, and his economic successes, could not be more different from the man whose mantle he seeks to assume.
Speaking at a ceremony in December to mark 40 years of Deng's "reform and opening," Xi promised "miracles that will impress the world" but offered few specifics over how these would be achieved.
His defining policy has been the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a hugely ambitious trade and infrastructure megaproject linking China to markets across central Asia, Europe and Africa. But the BRI has failed to deliver the economic boom times it once promised, and Beijing has been forced to reassess how it deals with partner nations amid claims of "neocolonialism" and "debt trap diplomacy" from recipient countries.
On trade too, Xi's track record is less than stellar, or particularly low profile. He may avoid mouthing off on Twitter, but his approach to the US-China trade war often mirrors that of President Donald Trump, with the two sides continually escalating and refusing to back down.
There were some signs of progress this month, with China exempting some US products from tariffs and Washington responding by delaying further tariffs of its own from October 1 -- which could have been humiliating for Beijing and would likely have drastically escalated hostilities -- to October 15. But there have been detentes in the past, and so far Xi and his negotiators have not managed to turn them into a lasting peace.
They have also apparently drastically misread Trump at times, overplaying their hand and underestimating how little support Beijing has in Washington. Xi may not be directly to blame for such missteps, but they seem to be indicative of an echo chamber at the top of Chinese politics that has only worsened as he moved something approaching a more consensus-based decision making of his predecessors to one-man rule.
Beijing's strategy appears to be predicated on the idea -- at least in part -- that it can outlast Washington. Unlike Trump, Xi is not up for reelection next year (or ever), and a new US administration might be more willing to cut a deal.
This may be true, but there is no guarantee that Trump will be unseated next November, or that any Democratic successor would not keep up the pressure on China. Meanwhile, ordinary Chinese are suffering and trade tariffs are hitting China harder than reciprocal measures are hurting US businesses.
While Beijing has dealt with some of the fallout of the trade war by ramping up nationalism and anti-US propaganda, rising food prices and potential shortages will soon have people asking why the government isn't doing more to alleviate their misery. They may also ask why Xi, if he truly is Deng's heir, is failing to grow the economy at the rates previously guaranteed by China's leaders.

Hong Kong headache
Nationalism too has been the main response to the ongoing anti-government unrest in Hong Kong, which started with protests against a now-shelved extradition bill with China.
That was the initiative of the local government, all parties involved attest, but Beijing has been firmly in the driving seat ever since. While the central government may have succeeded in preventing the unrest spreading to other parts of the country -- always the biggest concern with any protest movement -- its hardline policy has otherwise been an abject failure.
Failure to respond to protest demands in a timely fashion, coupled with heavy policing, has seen the protests escalate.
The violence and continued mass turnouts eventually forced the Hong Kong government and its lame duck leader Carrie Lam to back down on the extradition bill itself, but too late to have much of an effect on the overall movement. The city's economy has suffered, and there are no signs that protests will stop anytime soon, as young Hong Kongers in particular become only more alienated from China.
Had Lam withdrawn the bill when millions of protesters first demanded she do so, or had she been able to respond to more demands when she finally did, a solution might have been attainable. But Beijing's compromises have only come through firmly gritted teeth, and the delay has only further radicalized some sections of the protest movement.
Xi has warned Hong Kong of the costs of continued violence and urged the city to be more like neighboring and obedient Macao, renewing speculation that once National Day is out of the way, Beijing could launch a major crackdown in Hong Kong to get the city under control.
But the costs of a military crackdown -- not least the potential shock of an economic crash in Hong Kong on the Chinese economy -- likely remain too high. Just as with the trade war, Xi's approach seems to be to wait the crisis out, even as the costs continue to grow.

Blame game
When the withdrawal of the extradition bill was finally announced this month, Chinese censors ordered the news downplayed online and in state media. This did not stop some questioning why Hong Kongers were able to effect change through protest, while political speech in China has only become more costly.
Xi appears to have recognized that despite his undeniable power at the top, the potential for unrest below is growing. As he has traveled around the country in recent months, his speeches have been characterized by one word: "struggle."
This is a theme that will be underlined at National Day celebrations next week, according to state news agency Xinhua. The anniversary will provide a chance for people to "forever remember the hardships of the New China, and the process of arduous struggle."
The goal is to inspire "the whole of society to energetically sing the main melody of praise for the new China and the struggle for a new era," the commentary said.
Struggle is in the genes of the Communist Party, which came to power in a revolution and has held on despite every prediction otherwise, but are ordinary Chinese as willing to put up with hardships that come not from outside but from the policies of their own leaders?
Writing this month, Chinese political analyst Minxin Pei said that at 70 years, the People's Republic may be nearing the "longevity frontier for one-party regimes." While CCP doomsayers have been proven wrong over and again, Pei pointed out that no one-party regime has held power beyond 74 years, and today only North Korea's Kim dynasty equals China for endurance.
At National Day celebrations next week, Xi will be front and center. But what is intended as a celebration of power and glory may instead be highlighting exactly who carries the blame for the country's problems.


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[CNBC] France a ‘better option’ than Germany as trade war uncertainty hits Europe

KEY POINTS
They are two of the biggest economies in the euro zone and since the sovereign debt crisis emerged in 2011, Germany has always been seen as the most resilient.
France has a much higher public debt pile and has been more exposed to the financial distress taking place in countries, such as Italy.
However, the tables have turned.

The U.S.-China trade war has changed how economists look at France and Germany, two of Europe's largest economies.


The French economy is now more resilient and more attractive than Germany, three analysts told CNBC, in what marks a clear shift in the way both economies compare.

They are two of the biggest economies in the euro zone and since the sovereign debt crisis emerged in 2011, shaking the foundations of the region, Germany has always been seen as the most resilient. France has a much higher public debt pile and has been more exposed to the financial distress taking place in countries, such as Italy. However, the tables have turned.

"France is the better option. It is less exposed to the downturn in global manufacturing caused largely by (the) trade war," Holger Schmieding, chief economist at Berenberg bank told CNBC via email Thursday.

The ongoing trade war between China and the United States has started to shift the economic picture in Europe. Germany, the largest European economy, is largely dependent on exports and on its manufacturing sector, which makes it more exposed to the vulnerabilities in global trade.

---
The French-German axis remains extremely important for Europe but at the same time, the last years have shown that this axis functions best when both countries are on equal footing.
Carsten Brzeski
ECONOMIST AT ING GERMANY
---

Germany's share of manufacturing in gross domestic product (GDP) is almost 25%, according to recent data from UBS. In comparison, manufacturing in France represents less than 15% of its GDP.

"Global trade tensions inevitably mean that export-dependent countries are under greater pressure than economies where domestic consumption plays a greater role. That's why Germany is really feeling the heat from (President) Trump and China, while France might still be in a somewhat more comfortable place," Carsten Nickel, managing director of the research firm Teneo, told CNBC.

In a report published Thursday, UBS analysts have also said that, "longer-term," they favour France over Germany. They argued this was because French demographics are more growth friendly; French investment and growth rates are above those of Germany; and long-term policies on structural reforms are more substantial in France.

Data released in August showed that the German economy contracted 0.1% in the second quarter of this year compared with the previous three-month period. On the other hand, France grew at 0.2% in the same period.

Forecasts from UBS point to a growth rate of 1.2% in France this year and of 1% in 2020 – above the euro zone's average. In comparison, Germany is expected to grow 0.5% this year and 0.6% in 2020.

However, it will be important to monitor the coming quarters.

"I would not be surprised if France will actually follow the downswing of the German economy in the coming quarters. It will be hard to escape trade conflicts, Brexit and the global manufacturing slowdown," Carsten Brzeski, economist at ING Germany, warned in an email to CNBC this week.

What does this mean for the future of the EU?
The relationship between France and Germany is critical for the future of Europe. They are two of the largest European economies, two of the founding members of the European Union – the political and economic partnership that brings together 28 European nations, and often they define the agenda at the EU level.

"In general, the French-German axis remains extremely important for Europe but at the same time, the last years have shown that this axis functions best when both countries are on equal footing," Brzeski said.

He explained that the ideas that France has for further European integration may not advance if Germany struggles economically.

"When France was in economic doldrums, Berlin killed many proposals. In case positions might reverse now, France would face a Germany which is confronted with a stagnating economy and the least thing they will think about is further European integration," Brzeski said.


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[CNBC] Alibaba, other Chinese stocks drop on reports White House considering China investment limits

Shares of Alibaba and other Chinese companies plunged Friday in a sudden move after reports the White House is considering ways to limit U.S. investments in China.

Sources told CNBC's Eamon Javers that the White House could include a block on all U.S. financial investments in China and the goal is to protect American investors. No decisions have been made and it's nowhere near complete, the sources said.

Alibaba shares slipped more than 5% on the reports, while Baidu and JD.com also fell 3.6% and 6% respectively. Those stocks all trade on the Nasdaq.

The iShares China Large-Cap ETF dropped 1.2% in a sudden move. The ETF's biggest holdings are China Construction Bank and Tencent holdings.

Bloomberg News reported earlier in the day that Trump administration officials are weighing delisting Chinese companies from American stock exchanges and preventing U.S. government pension funds from investing in the Chinese market.

China's currency, the yuan, weakened to 7.15 against the dollar on the news.

The moves by the White House would come as the U.S. and China are set to resume trade talks on Oct. 10 in Washington after both countries slapped billions of dollars of tariffs on each other's goods. Delisting Chinese companies would affect billions of dollars in investment pegged to major indexes, just as the Chinese government is taking steps to increase foreign access to its markets.

A White House spokesperson declined to comment.

In response to the reports, Nasdaq said, "One critical quality of our capital markets is that we provide non-discriminatory and fair access to all eligible companies. The statutory obligation of all U.S. equity exchanges to do so creates a vibrant market that provides diverse investment opportunities for U.S. investors."

The exact details have not been worked out yet and the plan is subject to President Donald Trump's approval, Bloomberg News reported, citing people familiar with the matter. Trump had greenlit the discussion, the report said.


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[CNBC] White House deliberates block on all US investments in China

KEY POINTS
The discussion is in its preliminary stages and nothing has been decided, CNBC's source says.
There's also no time frame for their implementation, the source adds.
Restricting investments in Chinese entities would be meant to protect U.S. investors from excessive risk due to lack of regulatory supervision, the source says.

The White House is weighing some curbs on U.S. investments in China, a source familiar with the matter told CNBC. This discussion includes possibly blocking all U.S. financial investments in Chinese companies, the source said.

It's in the preliminary stages and nothing has been decided, the source said. There's also no time frame for their implementation, the source added.

Restricting financial investments in Chinese entities would be meant to protect U.S. investors from excessive risk due to lack of regulatory supervision, the source said.

The deliberations come as the U.S. looks for additional levers of influence in trade talks, which resume on Oct. 10 in Washington. Both countries slapped tariffs on billions of dollars worth of each other's goods. The discussions also come as the Chinese government is taking steps to increase foreign access to its markets.

Bloomberg News first reported earlier on Friday that Trump administration officials are considering ways to limit U.S. investors' portfolio flows into China, including delisting Chinese companies from American stock exchanges and preventing U.S. government pension funds from investing in the Chinese market.

Shares of Alibaba, Baidu and other Chinese companies plunged following the news. China's yuan weakened to 7.15 against the dollar on the report.

The White House declined to comment.


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[TheTimes] China replaces North Korea as Japan’s top security threat, annual military assessment shows

China is expanding its military activities across east Asia and catching up with the United States as a military power, the Japanese government reported in a grim assessment of its security situation.

In the latest sign of bitter enmity with its closest neighbour, Tokyo pointedly downgraded South Korea among its friends and security partners in its new white paper of defence. It also confirmed for the first-time what officials have acknowledged this year – that North Korea has the capacity to attack Japan with nuclear-armed ballistic missiles.

For decades Japan's security strategy was consistent and stable, based on the alliance with its protector, the US, and on the predictable and long-established military power of China, the USSR and then Russia.

In the 21st century, however, east Asia has been transformed by the rising military power of China, and most recently by the newly acquired nuclear capacity of North Korea. Hints by President Trump, meanwhile, that Japan and South Korea cannot take US protection for granted, have added to the sense of long-term insecurity.

Japan plans to spend 5.32 trillion yen (£39 billion) on defence this year, a 1.2 per cent increase, much of it on new stealth fighters and aircraft carriers. This is eclipsed by China, whose budget is three times larger than Japan's and rising at 7.5 per cent a year.

"China, whose defence budget has been rapidly on the rise, is now almost neck and neck with the United States," Taro Kono, the defence minister, said in Tokyo today.

The white paper said that a joint operation last July by Russian and Chinese bomber aircraft over the Sea of Japan and the East China Sea suggests that the two countries are co-operating more closely than before.

Mr Kono said: "China is deploying air and sea assets in the western Pacific and through the Tsushima Strait into the Sea of Japan with greater frequency."

In last year's white paper the ability of North Korea to miniaturise its nuclear warheads to the extent necessary to mount them successfully on a missile was presented as a possibility; this year it is regarded as an accomplished fact.

"Taking into consideration its technological maturity acquired by nuclear tests, North Korea seems to have already achieved miniaturisation of warheads to place atop ballistic missiles," it says.

"North Korea possesses and deploys several hundred ballistic missiles capable of reaching every part of Japan and continues to possess capabilities for conducting surprise attacks against Japan."